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【旗研共进】“同”聚智慧，“异”起成长_我的网站

A |     海淀区中关村第一小学西二旗分校          与怀柔区长哨营满族乡中心小学          手拉手数学学科“同课异构”活动          “同”聚智慧          “异”起成长                    在教育均衡发展与协同共进理念的引领下，北京市积极开展手拉手学校项目，旨在促进不同区域学校间的资源共享与交流合作，为广大师生搭建更为广阔的学习与成长平台。

B |     Last week, Israel's parliament voted to dissolve itself after the ruling Bloc of Change coalition had lost its paper-thin majority. Lapid, who served as the foreign minister in Bennett's cabinet and is also the leader of the largest opposition party Yesh Atid, assumed the office of prime minister until the next parliamentary elections scheduled for November. This will be the country's fifth snap vote in under four years.,The previous one took place in March 2021 after the parliament had dissolved itself due to the failure to adopt a state budget by the deadline. It ended with Lapid forming a coalition agreement with Bennett, who leads the right-wing Yamina political alliance, entailing a rotational two-year premiership.,Unique Coalition,The coalition created by Bennett and Lapid was the most diverse in Israel's history, consisting of parties that run the gamut from right to left, religious to secular, and even included an Arab party, the United Arab List (also known as Ra'am). Other coalition members included Yesh Atid, Yamina, Blue and White, Yisrael Beiteinu, New Hope, Labor and Meretz.,The coalition's diversity is explained by the shared desire to prevent Benjamin Netanyahu, the leader of the right-wing Likud party and a former prime minister, from once again taking power. However, the variety of political forces presented in the coalition also made it hard to sustain.,"The effort and the energy that were invested in maintaining the coalition government throughout this year actually exhausted the government and the people at the top, and they couldn’t really deal with certain issues that could have given them credit were they successful in surviving until the next elections," Tamar Hermann, a professor of political science at the Open University of Israel and academic director of the Viterbi Family Center for Public Opinion and Policy Research at the Israel Democracy Institute, said.,According to Itzhak Galnoor, a senior research fellow at the Van Leer Jerusalem Institute and emeritus Herbert Samuel professor of political science at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, the Bennett-Lapid government should have invested much more effort in keeping the alliance together, which they failed to do.,"It was an attempt to save Israeli democracy, prevent corruption, show that a government can function without all those tricks and things that the Netanyahu government was notable for doing for many years. In this way, I mean the second part, they actually did succeed for a while. So, the main failure, as I said, was the problem of maintaining some politicians within the parties who knew exactly what they were getting into. It wasn’t just that the whole experiment was a failure, it was more of a personal thing," Galnoor said.,The expert also suggested that if the Arab political alliance Joint List, which was not part of the ruling coalition, had given its support to the government and overcome the personal animosity between them and the United Arab List then the coalition would have survived.,"So, it is difficult to say more than we have now personification of politics, which makes it very difficult to have a coalition and it does not matter even if we may have ten elections," Galnoor surmised.,Meanwhile, Liron Lavi, a lecturer and research fellow at the UCLA Y&S Nazarian Center for Israel Studies, drew attention to the changes in the Israeli political spectrum.,"'Right' and 'Left' are much less about the Israeli-Palestinian conflict- the main issue that has defined Israeli politics since 1967. Instead, the political axis in Israel is being re-shaped around issues of the state's Jewish identity and democracy," she stated, adding that "in light of this change, and until the political axis will be redefined and parties will realign themselves along it, we are expected to see more political instability in Israel in the near future.",Time for Change,The series of snap elections has revealed the issues with Israel's current electoral system, in which parliamentary seats are proportionally divided between parties and a ruling coalition must secure 61 seats in order to form a government. However, creation of a stable political coalition out of sprawling factions has become a daunting task. At the same time, parties are currently the least trusted political organizations in Israel, with people often having little idea what is the real difference between them, according to Hermann.,"Many parties do not even have platforms, so people vote by identification based on, as I said, the level of religiosity and past experience," Hermann explained. "The parties are, in a way, obsolete, but we don’t have any alternative channel for choosing the candidates for the national elections, so if the electoral system is changed, probably the parties will have to adapt and maybe become more relevant.",Galnoor, for his part, underscored the need to make sure the country has a stable government and ruling coalition, noting that the Israeli Democracy Institute suggested the following changes to the country's parliamentary system: making the head of the biggest party after the election the prime minister by default so they could form a governing coalition as well as introducing mixed elections, with some lawmakers representing geographic constituencies instead of being voted on via party lists.,"You have, let’s say, a member of the Knesset [who] represents the Negev, the south, he would have to represent all the people in the south. It would be Jewish and Arab and it would be Orthodox and non-Orthodox, so you would have a representative, a member of the Knesset, that cuts across the differences in society," the expert outlined the idea.,Shmuel Sandler, the professor emeritus of political science at Bar-Ilan University and a senior research fellow at the Begin-Sadat Center for Strategic Studies also called for electoral reform and hoped that a coalition without Netanyahu might implement it.,"He would try to go for a reform in which the head of the largest party is also elected as PM. But this does not assure stability," Sandler noted.。         “水本无华，相荡乃成涟漪；石本无火，相击而发灵光。”2024 年 12 月 13 日，中关村第一小学西二旗分校与怀柔区长哨营满族乡中心小学，在这一富有意义的项目推动下，携手开展了一场别开生面的数学教学交流活动。

C |          中关村第一小学西二旗分校的孔京京老师，与怀柔区长哨营满族乡中心小学的彭晓利老师，共同讲授一节数学课。

D | 北京教育科学研究院特级教师郭立军老师现场指导。

E |                              PART 01          孔京京老师聚焦一个单元所承载的核心素养整体设计，进阶式引导学生深入认识小数。在教学中，她既紧密结合生活实际中小数的应用，也注重数学史中小数的发展，让学生在广博的时空中认识小数的由来以及小数的实际价值。最后，学生尝试用小数表示自己的身高、食品的价签，灵活迁移、思维敏捷，既有独立思考，又有智慧碰撞。         孔老师注重教学内容与生活实际的紧密关联性，巧妙地引入生活场景中小数的广泛应用实例，让学生深切体会到小数在日常生活中的无处不在与实际价值。                             PART 02          彭晓利老师在教学过程中展现出卓越的引导能力，其教学风格亲和且极具感染力，能够循循善诱、娓娓道来。在课程开启之前，借助精心设计的微课，引导学生预先对所学内容有所涉猎与思考，为课堂学习奠定良好基础。

F |          课堂之上，彭老师以学生的发现与疑问作为切入点，巧妙地逐步梳理出学习小数所应具备的思维架构；将零散的知识点进行系统整合，转化为具有逻辑性与关联性的结构性知识体系，助力学生构建清晰的认知地图，而这一认知地图也成为学生在后续学习中实现知识迁移与灵活运用的有力工具，极大地提升了学生的学习效能与知识内化水平。

G |                              PART 03          郭立军老师对两位教师的课表示了赞扬与肯定，她指出了两位教师的相同点：都采用了至少两种数学模型助力学生打开对小数认识的大门；不同之处在于两位老师分别采用了顺向和逆向的思维活动帮助学生认识小数的意义，感受小数与实际生活的密切联系。         最后，郭立军老师分别从水平数学化和垂直数学化介绍了学生的思维层级，鼓励老师们从宏观结构来理解认识每个知识点，以撬动孩子们的生长点。                             PART 04          本次“同课异构”评价研讨会，不仅是一次教学艺术的精彩展示，更是一场教育理念的深刻碰撞。两位教师为我们生动诠释了“同课异构、同标异思”的深刻内涵。这样的教学形式，不仅是教师们打开思路、发挥教学创意、彰显个性魅力的有效途径，更是我们探索新课程标准下高效课堂教学模式、提升教学质量、优化课堂结构、打造品质课堂的一次宝贵尝试。                   教学是发现、是分享、是成长。通过两位老师的精彩演绎和专家的深刻点评，在场的每位老师都体会到“同课异构”的魅力所在——在异构中比较，在比较中反思，在反思中提高。这种方式有效助推了教师的专业成长，促进了我校教研水平的提升，为各自的教学注入新的活力。                             今天的“同课异构”          只是一个美好的开始，          它将成为我们不断探索、勇于创新、          持续进步的起点。                             – END –                    文字丨王雨          编辑丨新闻宣传中心          审核丨高菲菲          校对丨郭琪琪。

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Published on:03:18:50